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A New Kind of Anti-Americanism
By Norman Markowitz History News Service
As the war against Iraq grinds on, recent polls show that
large majorities of people throughout the world now have a
much lower opinion of the United States and its foreign
policies than was reflected in polls of previous years.
Remarkably, this is true both in countries whose
governments support President Bush's war policy, such as
Britain, Italy and Spain, and in those whose governments
oppose the war, such as Germany, France and Russia.
This sharp increase in animosity toward the United States
may remind some of attitudes abroad toward U.S. foreign
policy at the height of the Cold War in the 1950s and 1960s.
The Soviet Union and its allies then propagated the view
that the United States was advancing a policy of imperialist
intervention to control everything from Guatemalan bananas
and Cuban sugar to Middle Eastern oil. Familiar as these
charges may sound, there are more differences than
similarities between the present "anti-Americanism" and the
hostility to the United States during the Cold War era.
Most Europeans in the Cold War era were not against
American policies of increasing trade, encouraging the
development of the European common market and paying the
lion's share for NATO, the multilateral alliance to defend
Europe. In the poor countries of the Third World, many
condemned the U.S. policy of supporting right-wing
dictatorships in the name of halting communism, but also saw
the United States as a defender of the United Nations, which
groups across the political spectrum supported as the most
important international organization in history.
Moreover, even traditional left-wing critics of U.S.
policy, both in the developed countries and in the Third
World, distinguished sharply between the U.S. government and
the American people. They viewed U.S. policy as imperialist,
but identified American culture and the American people with
egalitarian and democratic values.
Today, that distinction is increasingly blurred as allies
and former enemies have come to regard the United States
much as European nations saw imperial Germany in the decades
before World War I a state brandishing great military
power and proclaiming that its might made right: "Gott Mit
Uns," or "God is on our side," as the slogan on the belts of
the German army read.
That view of Germany and Germans as warmakers led
Europeans and Americans to loathe not only German
imperialism but the German culture of Goethe and Beethoven.
Leaders in Britain, France and Russia feared Prussian
militarism and forgot about German achievements in the arts
and sciences. Eventually, they composed their differences
and formed an alliance that halted German expansion.
While no one would compare President Bush literally to
Kaiser Wilhelm, the German emperor during World War I, he
has managed to bring France, Russia and Germany, three
historic enemies, together against his Iraq war policy. In
the international press and the global court of public
opinion, the America of Walt Whitman and Mark Twain, of
Franklin D. Roosevelt and Martin Luther King, Jr., is being
replaced with stereotypes of trigger-happy cowboys
cheerfully supporting the death penalty at home and their
God-given right to rain death and destruction, regardless of
the views of the United Nations or their NATO allies.
In the high Cold War period of the 1950s, French
intellectuals sometimes called American anti-communism
(displayed in such movies as "My Son John" and "Big Jim
McLain") "primal anti-Communism" the tendency of American
leaders and media to substitute screaming, name-calling and
the demonizing of enemies for rational arguments in defense
of capitalism and liberal democracy. Thanks to the policies
of the Bush administration and the statements of Bush, Vice
President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald H.
Rumsfeld, tens of millions of people around the world who
formerly looked at the United States positively are
denouncing American policy and the American people as
arrogant and hypocritical, a nation of self-aggrandizers on
a path of military interventionism that has only begun.
Whatever happens in the Iraq war, this trend in global
public opinion, if it is not reversed, will be disastrous
for both American policy and the American people.
Norman Markowitz teaches history at the New Brunswick
campus of Rutgers University and is a writer for the History
News Service.
[Norman Markowitz, Department of History, Rutgers
University, New Brunswick, NJ 08903. Telephone: (908)
681-3419, (908) 932-6719; fax: (908) 932-6773; e-mail: markowi@rci.rutgers.edu.]
History News Service
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Joyce Appleby: appleby@history.ucla.edu
Telephone: 310-470-8946
James M. Banner, Jr.: jbanner@aya.yale.edu
Telephone: 202-462-5655
Website designed and administered by Christopher
Bates.
This article was posted on April 4, 2003.
Pictured at top (left to right): Alexander the
Great, Johannes Gutenburg prints his Bible, James Madison,
Benjamin Disraeli, the Brooklyn Bridge, Ho Chi Minh.
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