Historical Analogies: Handle With Care
By Michael Richards History News Service
Historical analogies, comparing something in the present
with what appears to be its counterpart in the past, are not
created equal. Some are better -- or at least more useful
when it comes to seeking guidance from history -- than
others.
A case in point is the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. As
"Thirteen Days," the new Kevin Costner movie on that tense
Cold War episode, makes clear, the inappropriate use of
historical analogies can point toward foreign policy
disaster.
"Thirteen Days" recounts that when President John F.
Kennedy and his advisers learned that the Soviet Union was
installing medium-range nuclear missiles in Cuba, putting
most areas of the eastern United States at risk, they
immediately thought of the lessons of Munich. It was at the
1938 Munich conference that Britain and France failed to
stand up to Adolf Hitler, the dictator of Nazi Germany.
Their attempt to buy him off with a strategic chunk of
Czechoslovakia failed. Their appeasement, as it came to be
called, failed to prevent World War II.
The "lessons of Munich" taught American Cold War policy
makers that any sign of weakness in relation to an enemy ran
the risk of leading to World War III. Nikita S. Khrushchev,
the Soviet leader responsible for introducing nuclear
missiles into Cuba, was no different from Hitler, according
to this view. Seen from this perspective, the situation
demanded a resolute action from the United States.
The film, accurately depicting Kennedy's response to the
crisis, helps us see that not every historical analogy is a
useful analogy. Every American, President George W. Bush in
particular, needs to understand this basic concept.
Kennedy used his advisers in the crisis to get options on
the table, reserving for himself the final decision. We can
see for ourselves in "Thirteen Days" the dilemma presented
by a proposed military response to the crisis, seemingly
called for by the "lessons of Munich." Yet the proposed
surgical air strikes, military advisers agreed, would
probably not destroy all the missiles and would require a
follow-up invasion of Cuba. This raised the possibility of
Soviet retaliation elsewhere, most likely in Berlin, and
even the chance of a nuclear exchange between the Soviet
Union and the United States.
Something of an amateur historian, Kennedy, while still a
senator, had written "Profiles in Courage," a book composed
of studies of Americans who had stood fast under pressure.
In "Thirteen Days," he mentions having recently read Barbara
Tuchman's book on the opening days of World War I, "The Guns
of August."
In fact, the Tuchman book actually did influence
Kennedy's thinking in the missile crisis. He was struck by
the way European leaders were boxed in by their military
plans and by what they assumed the other side intended. The
result was a war that cost millions of lives. It seemed to
him that the United States now stood at just such a moment
and that the appropriate analogy was not Munich but the
origins of World War I.
Moving with great caution, both Kennedy and his brother,
Robert Kennedy, the attorney general, came to understand how
easily the crisis could slide into a nuclear Armageddon. The
military and many civilian advisers, however, were unable to
see past the Munich analogy.
In the early days of the presidency of George W. Bush, we
should keep in mind that it will probably be necessary for
the chief executive to make one or more difficult, even
crucial foreign-policy decisions. Whenever he faces such a
decision, President Bush should not assume that a particular
historical analogy will automatically provide guidance. To
echo his father, former president George Bush, he should be
"prudent."
It may seem odd for a historian to warn against relying
on historical analogies. But there are good analogies and
not-so-good analogies. Every historical analogy must be
carefully examined to see if it really sheds light on the
situation at hand. Even if it sheds some light, it will not
provide a ready-made solution. When it comes down to it,
there is simply no substitute for actually thinking through
all the options in a given situation.
It is worth noting that the last great invocation of
Munich, appeasement and Hitler came from the senior Bush
during the Gulf War of 1991. His son, surrounded by many of
the same people who served his father, will profit from
studying "Thirteen Days" closely and absorbing Kennedy's
mixture of caution and determination. Let's hope that
President Bush will look beyond those times when his father
and President Ronald Reagan relied on false historical
analogies and will follow the better example of Kennedy
during the Cuban Missile Crisis.
Michael Richards teaches modern European and world
history at Sweet Briar College and is a writer for the
History News Service.
[Michael D. Richards, Sweet Briar College, Sweet Briar,
VA 24595. Telephone: (804)381-6174; fax: (804) 381-6173;
e-mail: richards@sbc.edu.]
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This article was posted on February 5, 2001.
Pictured at top (left to right): Cleopatra,
Justinian I, Thomas Paine, Ulysses S. Grant, 1954 sit-in at
Woolworth's lunch counter protesting segregation, Che
Guevara.
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