The American "Nation Building" Mission and Russia
By David S. Foglesong History News Service
During this political campaign, which has largely focused
on the eye-glazing details of domestic issues, the most
eye-opening comments on foreign policy have stemmed from
Gov. George W. Bush's adamant opposition to quixotic
"nation-building" missions.
While Bush's foreign affairs adviser Condoleezza Rice
recently drew headlines by announcing that Bush would end
U.S. participation in peacekeeping operations in the
Balkans, much less attention has been paid to Bush's equally
striking repudiation of American efforts to transform
Russia.
In the second presidential debate, Bush not only charged
that the Clinton administration had "played like there was
reform" in Russia while corrupt Moscow officials pocketed
Western aid; he also rejected the idea that Americans should
instruct other peoples to follow their example.
Responding to Vice President Al Gore's declarations that
Americans "have to have a sense of mission in the world" and
that people everywhere look to the United States "as a kind
of model for what their future could be," Bush argued that
the U.S. must be "humble in how we treat nations that are
figuring out how to chart their own course" and asserted
"the only people who are going to reform Russia are
Russians."
The stark differences between the two candidates'
comments tend to obscure the fact that Republicans, as well
as Democrats, have championed misguided missionary
approaches to Russia, not only in the last decade but for
more than a century. Reorientation of U.S. policy will
therefore require a clear understanding of how Americans of
both major parties have shared faulty assumptions about
Russia.
The most striking recent example of a Republican
missionary mentality is a 200-page report released in
September 2000 by the Speaker's Advisory Group on Russia,
chaired by Rep. Christopher Cox (R-CA), titled, "Russia's
Road to Corruption: How the Clinton Administration Exported
Government Instead of Free Enterprise and Failed the Russian
People." As the title suggests, the Republican congressional
leaders fault the Clinton administration not for trying to
remake Russia in the image of the United States but for
attempting to replicate liberal big government rather than a
libertarian free enterprise system.
Republicans in fact have a long history of seeking to
convert Russia to capitalism. In the 1980s Ronald Reagan
dreamed of taking Mikhail Gorbachev up in a helicopter over
southern California to show the Soviet leader the homes,
cars and swimming pools of American workers, and thus
convert him to the gospel of freedom.
Thirty years earlier, President Dwight Eisenhower
actually did take Nikita Khrushchev up in a helicopter over
Washington, hoping to persuade that true believer in
communism of the superiority of the American way of life.
And during the Second World War, the magazines of Republican
Henry Luce (a child of missionaries) widely promoted the
notions that Russians were just like Americans, and that a
wartime rebirth of Christianity would lead to the overthrow
of Stalinism.
Faith in the Americanization of Russia has not been a
Republican quirk, of course. Democrat Woodrow Wilson, for
example, proclaimed that the 300-year-old Romanov autocracy
overthrown in 1917 "was not in fact Russian in origin,
character, or purpose" and insisted six months before the
Bolsheviks seized power that Russia was "always in fact
democratic at heart."
A notion so deeply entrenched will not be easy to change,
but in the new century, a sound and bipartisan U.S. policy
must move beyond simplistic expectations of rapid
Americanization.
While mistakes were made by both Democratic and
Republican administrations in the 1990s -- the Bush team was
too slow to provide substantial financial aid when it would
have mattered most, for example, and Clinton officials were
too quick to equate Boris Yeltsin with reform and democracy
-- the deeper problem stems from unrealistic expectations of
an overnight transformation of Russia.
The wise alternative to an overly aggressive missionary
approach is not to condemn Russia as hopelessly mired in a
tradition of autocratic callousness, as some commentators
did following the Russian mishandling of the sinking of the
submarine Kursk in August. Instead of oscillating between
the extremes of expecting a sudden transfiguration of Russia
and condemning Russians as irredeemable, Americans need to
be patient and understand that Russia has indeed become more
like the United States, though not to the extent Americans
might wish and not without high social costs (including
increased crime, lower life expectancy, and more
While the U.S. should continue to provide advice and aid
when it is requested, Americans should not expect Russia to
become a replica of the United States, and they should not
presume that Russian resistance to Americanization is
sinister and malignant. In a way, Gore and Bush are each
half right. Americans need to have a sense of mission, and
they need to be humble.
David Foglesong, a professor of history at Rutgers
University in New Brunswick, New Jersey, is writing a book
on American thinking about remaking Russia from 1881 to the
present.
[David Foglesong, History Dept., 16 Seminary Place, New
Brunswick, NJ 08901; phone: (732) 932-6749 or (732)
932-7905; fax: (732) 932-6763; e-mail: fogelson@intranet.rutgers.edu.]
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This article was posted on November 2, 2000.
Pictured at top (left to right): Socrates;
Napoleon Bonaparte; Henry Clay; Winston Churchill, Franklin
D. Roosevelt and Josef Stalin at Yalta; Rosa Parks.
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