F. E. Peters. Muhammad and the Origins of Islam. State University of New York Press, 1994 [pp. 77-104]

CHAPTER 4 The Family and City of Muhammad

After Hashim the Arab sources speak no more of commerce at Mecca, not, in any event, in connection with his son and the Prophet's grandfather, Abd al-Muttalib, who was a rather famous man at Mecca, though not as a trader.

A CELEBRATED GRANDFATHER

Abd al-Muttalib's earliest days have an odd cast to them. To begin with, his name was Shayba, and "Abd al-Muttalib," "Slave of al- Muttalib," was his sobriquet. Al-Muttalib was not, however, the name of a deity, as we might expect in such a combination, but the boy's uncle. Ibn Ishaq recounts the curious history of the title as he had heard it.

We assume that Hashim was dead at this point. With his passing his younger brother al-Muttalib had taken over the traditional Abd Manaf family right and privilege of supplying food and water to the pilgrims, but now, with the return of Hashim's son to his native city, it was this latter, and not al-Muttalib's own sons, who succeeded to these important and lucrative posts:

One event that contributed to the persistence of Abd al-Muttalib's reputation among the later Quraysh was a political initiative he undertook with some possibly troublesome neighbors, the Khuza'a, and their use to help solve some of Mecca's own internal problems. There had been, from the moment of Qusayy's death, and perhaps even earlier, tension among the Quraysh. They were, after all, nomads but recently come in from the steppe, all their rivalries intact and presumably enhanced within the narrow confines of their assigned "quarters" in the hollow of Mecca. We are told that a treaty made in the generation after Qusayy, when the two factions of Abd Manaf and Abd al-Dar took their oaths at the Ka'ba, held until the coming of Islam. That may have been true as regards that particular social fissure, but there were other problems and other rents in the tribal fabric. It is reported, for example, that Abd al-Muttalib had a falling out with near relatives over some properties and was on the point of invoking his powerful mother's relatives from Medina when he was offered an alliance by a closer source, the same Khuza'ai tribesmen whom Qusayy had expelled from Mecca and who were still living in the neighborhood. A treaty was drawn up in writing in the council hall and was then made public in the usual way: it was posted up on the wall of the Ka'ba.

An alleged version of the agreement is preserved by a later historian. The document is written in the rhymed prose typical of parts of the Quran and the utterances of contemporary soothsayers, but the elevated style is no guarantee of the document. When Muhammad later in his own career was about to come to terms with his Meccan enemies, the Khuza'a entered flourishing a "writing" they had made with Abd al-Muttalib, andÔ

The Rediscovery of the Sacred Well of Zamazm

The Zamzam, as we have seen, is the well near the Ka'ba that God had miraculously uncovered for Hagar when her infant Ishmael was near death from thirst. It was known and used, presumably as a sacred source, throughout the era of the Ishmaelites and their successors, the Jurhum. It was the Jurhum, we are told, who filled up the Zamzam and so concealed its exact location from the Khuza'a and the Quraysh. And so it remained until the time of Abd al-Muttalib.

Immediately a controversy arose as to the ownership of this piece of property that was both sacred and valuable.

A tribal dispute and an appeal to a holy person from a distant locale to arbitrate it-suddenly we are in the same circumstances that carried Muhammad to Medina in 622 A.D. Here the parties were going to the seer, however, though they did not have to complete their journey. In the course of their trip, when all the travelers were threatened by death from thirst, it came about that it was Abd al-Muttalib who discovered water. This was accepted by the Quraysh accompanying him that God's judgment had indeed rested upon Abd al-Muttalib.

Ibn Ishaq supplies another version with more circumstantial detail on the actual discovery of the well:

Once again Abd al-Muttalib agreed to submit the dispute to divine judgment, though in this version it is to a form of divination through the casting of arrows.

Abd al-Muttalib said he would make two arrows for the Ka'ba, two for them [that is, the Quraysh] and two for himself. The two arrows which came out from the quiver would determine to whom the property belonged. This was agreed, and he made two yellow arrows for the Ka'ba, two black ones for himself and two white ones for the Quraysh. They were then given to the priest in charge of the divinatory arrows, which were thrown down beside. Hubal was an image in the middle of the Ka'ba, indeed, the greatest of the images...
Abd al-Muttalib began to pray to God, and when the priest threw the arrows, the two yellow ones for the gazelles came out in favor of the Ka'ba. The two black ones allotted the swords and coats of mail to Abd al-Muttalib, and the two arrows of the Quraysh remained behind (in the quiver). Abd al-Muttalib made the swords into a door for the Ka'ba and overlaid the door with the gold from the gazelles. This was the first golden ornament of the Katba, or so they allege. Then Abd al-Muttalib took charge of the supply of Zamzam water to the pilgrims. (Ibid., p. 64)

It is difficult to know whether to credit the story. Other sources tell us that Abd al-Muttalib was already in inherited possession of the siqaya, the right to provide water to the pilgrims. In Islamic times, or perhaps even from this juncture forward, the stories about the Hajj or the Haram inevitably identify the siqaya with the Zamzam, which, as this story testifies, it clearly was not for a long stretch of Meccan history. Again, the "discovery" story does not much avert to the fact that in or near that same place the early inhabitants used to cast their votive offerings to the gods of the Ka'ba, and that what Abd al-Muttalib most likely "discovered"-other accounts add swords and jewels to the gazelles-was the treasury of the sanctuary.

The Binding of Abdullah

The cleromantic practice of divination through arrows reappears in connection with another famous story told, though manifestly not with Ibn Ishaq's complete confidence, about the Prophet's grandfather.

This was not to be, however, as we might have suspected since the Abdullah in question was the future father of the Prophet. On the advice of the Quraysh, Abd al-Muttalib consulted a female seer at Medina or the Jewish oasis of Khaybar, as others said. She advised him to take the standard bloodprice of ten camels and cast lots between them and his son. If the lot fell upon his son, he was to add ten more camels to the price and cast again until the Lord should be satisfied at the price and so allow the lot to fall upon the camels. Abd al-Muttalib returned to Mecca and did as he had been advised. When the bloodprice finally reached the sum of 100 camels, the Lord caused the lot to fall on the camels rather than Abdullah, and Abd al-Muttalib redeemed his son for that price. As for the camels, "they were duly slaughtered and left there and no man was kept back or hindered (from eating them)."

An act of divine providence, which had first apparently condemned Abdullah to death, now brings him salvation, this time mediated through the activity of yet another female seer. Are we to understand that there were human sacrifices at Mecca no more than twenty-odd years before the birth of the Prophet? It may be so because there is parallel and contemporary evidence for such practices elsewhere among the Arabs. Or it may be we are simply in the presence of a moral tale, one with a distant echo of Abraham's near sacrifice of his son.

ABRAHA

There is no hint in any of this of the tumultuous events taking place in the Yemen: the first Abyssinian invasion, Dhu Nuwas's violent reaction to Christian Abyssinian hegemony in his land, and a second intervention from across the Red Sea. Only with the withdrawal of this second Abyssinian force and the rise to power |in Himyar of the Negus' deputy Abraha do the careers of the |Hijaz and the Yemen begin to draw together in the sources.

Once again Procopius supplies the details of what occurred in Himyar after Ella Asbeha returned to Ethiopia after his invasion in 525 A.D.:

The death of Ella Asbeha, and so the recognition of Abraha, likely occurred sometime after 535 A.D., when, as Procopius says, "he was most securely established." Somewhat later, perhaps in 544 A.D., Justinian made to the new ruler of Himyar the same request he had to his predecessors; namely, to take up arms against the Persians. And Abraha's response was identical to the others': "Even Abraha, later when he was most securely established as a ruler, though he frequently promised the Emperor Justinian to raid Persian territory, only started out on that expedition on one occasion, and retired immediately. . . " (Procopius, Wars, vol. 1, 20.13).

THE MEN WHO HAVE THE ELEPHANT

The pre-Islamic Arabs had no fixed annual dating system of their own, and so the Muslim authorities were uncertain in precisely what year the Prophet was born. One tradition connects it, not entirely implausibly, with an event that shook the Mecca of that era, a march against the holy city from the Yemen. It was led by Abraha, the former Abyssinian viceroy who was now established as the independent and aggressive ruler of Himyar.

Muhammad's biographer Ibn Ishaq, who had traced Abraha's rise to power in the wake of the destruction of Dhu Nuwas, now resumes his narrative:

After some local opposition from a member of the former royal house, Dhu Nafr, whom he captured and held, Abraha proceeded, according to Ibn Ishaq, to the outskirts of Mecca.

Abd al-Muttalib is now portrayed by Ibn Ishaq as the ruler of Mecca, and through the good of fices of Dhu Nafr, whom he knew and who was under arrest in Abraha's camp, he gained an audience with Abraha at the latter's camp.

Thus, the way the story is made to unfold, it is up to Allah, the Lord of the Katba, to defend His own House. The point is clear: there will be no human intervention; all is in the hands of God.

After describing the quite exemplary prayer habits of Abraha's elephant-like a good Muslim of a later generation, it bows down in veneration only in the direction of the Katba-Ibn Ishaq turns to an early verse in the Quran that the Muslim tradition construed-again, the Quran provides no context-as a reference to Abraha's expedition:

And then in a final note, Ibn Ishaq offers, almost as an aside, what may have actually befallen the expedition: "Ya'qub ibn Utba told me that he was informed that that year was the first time that measles and smallpox had been seen in Arabia. .. " (Ibn Ishaq 1955, p. 27).

When did all this occur? The question is an important one not only for the history of Mecca but for the career of Muhammad because a substantial part of the Muslim historical tradition places the birthdate of Muhammad in this very same "Year of the Elephant." The following Sabean inscription was found at the well of Murayghan in South Arabia, and though the site is far to the east of the ways connecting the Yemen and Mecca, it describes a military encounter at a place called Taraban, a known oasis only 100 kilometers east of Ta'if. Indeed, the inscription appears to commemorate a part of the very same campaign recalled in Sura 105 of the Quran.

That is, in 552 A.D. or thereabouts Abraha directed, or rather sent, an expedition made up not of his own troops but of the Kinda and other bedouin allies against the Arab Ma'add, who were by then the vassals of the Persians. And in connection with the same northern campaign, an Abyssinian force seems to have unsuccessfully attacked Mecca, an event that was still being recalled in that latter city a half-century later and gave its name to the "Year of the Elephant."

THE SECURITY OF THE QURAYSH

Ibn Ishaq connected the assault of the "men who have the elephant" with two different suras of the Quran, the first, as we have seen, is Sura 105, with its apparently direct reference to the confrontation; the second is the sura immediately following it, of which notice has already been taken in connection with Hashim. Sura 106 of the Quran, the one called "The Quraysh," had, in fact, a critical role, perhaps the critical role, in the later Muslims' view of their ancestors at Mecca, and through them, in the modern interpretation of the entire Meccan enterprise before Islam.

This is the by now standard translation-interpretation of the sura, which might be paraphrased as "Because the Lord granted (or perhaps guaranteed) the treaties enjoyed by the Quraysh, treaties that have made possible their annual commercial journeys, let the Quraysh recognize this and worship the Lord of the Katba who has, through these treaties and their consequences, provided the Quraysh with both sustenance and security." This is intelligible in English, but the Arabic of the sura has posed serious linguistic and syntactical problems that have bothered commentators from the beginning. The sura begins (1) abruptly-early suras commonly open with some type of adjuration-  (2) with an subordinate clause, and (3) with a term, ilaf, that was apparently so difficult to construe that a number of secondary readings were quickly put forward. A secondary tradition in both texts and commentaries suggests, on the other hand, that Suras 105 and 106 were once a single unit, a juncture that would solve most of the linguistic and interpretative difficulties that surround the latter and, in addition, provide a somewhat different interpretation of the whole:

The primary emphasis of God's benevolence shifts, then, away from the "treaties" of the Quraysh to the providential destruction of Abraha, which in turn permitted to the Quraysh the "easement" of the winter and summer journey. Another consequence of joining the suras is that there is an easier and more natural sense to the ilaf of the opening verse of 106, a word that has been vari- ously understood as "covenants" or "commercial treaties," a technical usage induced by the difficult reading. In the new construction the technical term disappears, to be replaced by the ordinary sense of ilaf as "protection" or "easement," with the nature of that easement spelled out in the following clause, "their easement of the journey of winter and of summer.''

The widespread understanding of ilaf as "treaties" appears to have affected the interpretation of the following " journey of winter and of summer" as commercial enterprises, an interpretation that reflected backward not only upon ilaf but upon the entire history of Qurayshite Mecca since the days of Hashim, the alleged founder of those international "commercial treaties." As has recently been pointed out, there is little evidence or even likelihood for such international trade under either Hashim or one of his successors in Mecca, and our conviction is strengthened when we understand that the same Quranic commentators who were certain that the "journey of winter and of summer" were trading ventures had no clear idea of either their timing or their destination.

The Arab accounts of the expedition of Abraha reveal something else. The Abyssinians had Arab allies against Mecca, tribesmen from both the north and the south, the same putative ilaf confederates in the Meccan trading company. Mecca apparently did not yet enjoy its special status at that point, which is precisely the point of the combined Suras 105-106, and Ibn Ishaq under- lines the implication. "When Allah turned back the Abyssinians from Mecca, and inflicted upon them His vengeance, the Arabs admired Quraysh and said: "They are the people of Allah. He has fought for them, and spared them the trouble of their enemies." (Ibn Ishaq 38 = Ibn Ishaq 1955, p. 28).

This is exactly how a number of exegetes understood Sura 106; here, for example, Ibn Qutayba:

All of this came together, we are told because of the newly enhanced prestige of the Quraysh in the wake of the battle against Abraha and the "men who have the elephant." The Quraysh were recognized as the genuine "people of the House," who shared in the sanctity of the place whose guardians they were. The result, the Quran tells us, was that the Lord of the House provided them with "food against hunger and security against fear" (Quran 106:4).

The Muslim commentators read the last verse of Sura 106 as a consequence of what preceded, the "journey of the winter and the summer," which were in turn understood to be commercial caravan trips to Syria and the Yemen. when and where the journeys took place was not clearly understood, as we have seen, nor was it entirely clear how they were "eased" for the Quraysh, and how that "easement" was connected with a guaranteed food supply, as Sura 106 asserts. Tabari's attempt at clarification, taken from Ibn Abbas, is not untypical:

In Ibn Abbas's mind the two journeys were connected with subsistence and were a matter of necessity. Then, "afterward," presumably aafter the battle with the Abyssinians, the Quraysh had no longer to travel for (or to earn?) food because it was provided by God, and so the need of the journeys passed. Ibn Abbas makes it sound as if the Quraysh had to trabel to get food, but other commentators convert the journeys into capital ventures that earned the Quraysh wealth with which to buy bood. Neither is very convincing. The Quran itself seems to offer a far better explanation. In 2:126 Abraham begged God to "make this a secure land and sustain its people with fruits," and again in Sura 14: "O our Lord, I have made some of my offspring dwell in this valley without cultivation, by Your sacred House, in order that they might establish prayer-services. So fill the hearts of some men with yearning for them, and sustain them with fruits..." (Quran 14:37).

Abraham's prayer for sustenance for his descendants was answered by the Quraysh's victory over Abraha, which guaranteed security to the Meccan sanctuary, and the connection between a "secure sanctuary" and Mecca and the Meccans being provided with food necessary for life is most clearly established in Sura 38, where God declares: "Have We not established for them a secure sanctuary (haram amina), to which are brought as tribute fruits of all kinds, a sustaining provision from Us" (Quran 28:57).

This verse brings together all the complex notions of God, Mecca and its sanctuary that are scattered throughout the Quran and the prophetic traditions. Through God's mercy Mecca was made into a haram. This may have been done originally for Abraham and his immediate descendents (14:35; 2:126), but in some of its early passages, the lesson of that benevolence is being underlined for the benefit of its contemporary beneficiaries. According to Sura 106, no other than the Quraysh now, after the defeat of Abraha, enjoy God's providence. Mecca, in its "valley without cultivation," had no resources of its own, and the inhabitants would surely have perished, the Quran assures them, except for the fact that Mecca is a "secure sanctuary," of which the Quraysh, the "people of the House" (ahl al-bayt), were the masters and guardians.

BUYING AND SELLING IN THE SACRED MONTHS

Not every one read the "two journeys," which God had "eased" and to which the prosperity f the Quraysh ws linked, as an expanded opportunity for trade. Al-Razi for one thought that the "journey of winter and of summer" referred to the traveling of pilgrims to Mecca, the one referring to the umra of the month Rajab and the other to the Hajj of the month Dhu al-Hijja. If it was a guess, it was an inspired one. Muslim commentators, who lived in an era and a society without intercalation and so without seasonal festivals, would have difficulty in imagining seasonal pilgrimages, as all such were in pre-Islamic days. Such pilgrimages would surely have been "eased" if they took place under the authority and protection of the now saintly Quraysh. Thus, in this reading of the Quran, every year, twice a year during the sacred months, pilgrims were drawn to Holy Mecca on pilgrimage, and their fee of homage was the provisions, on which the Quraysh and the other Meccans lived. Trade enters nowhere in this equation, particularly not the long-distance trade read by some of the commentators into verse 2 of Sura 106.

Trade may have been a background issue, however, or rather the Quraysh's participation in it; and some of Muhammad's audience appear to have opposed it, or such seems to be the sense of verse 198 in Sura 2, "It is no fault for you to aspire to the Lord's bounty," immediately preceded and followed by detailed prescriptions regarding the pilgrimage "in the well-known months." The historians had a good deal of information on the circumstances and places where the "Lord's bounty" was reaped by interested parties; namely, the holy-day fairs (muwasim). That trade should be tied to the pilgrimage was natural to most of the participants, save perhaps to the puritanical Hums with their fierce and, as we shall see, exclusive devotion to Mecca. Peoples who, by reason or danger or distance, did not normally associate came together in and around Mecca under the protection of the truce of God, to worship and, it seems clear, to trade.

Al-Azraqi's is the most detailed sketch of the market fairs:

Pilgrims, then, who were making the pre-Islamic Jahh traded at various locations in the vicinity of the pilgrimage sites before performing their rituals and, as seems likely, at Mina and Arafat as well, a practice that did not extend, as we shall see, to Mecca. Therefore the wealth of the pre-Islamic Quraysh had nothing to do, as it certainly did in the Islamic era, with trading with pilgrims at Mecca during the Hajj season. If Meccans traded, it was elsewhere, either at the fairs outside of Mecca -- fairs they did not themselves control -- or else as a function of the regional trading network set up as a result of Hashim's arrangements with the bedouin and the Quraysh's own status as a holy tribe, a condition formally institutionalized not long before Muhammad's birth by the confederation known as the Hums.

A RELIGIOUS SODALITY: THE HUMS

The Meccan historian al-Azraqi provides a succinct definition of the pre-Islamic religious association that the Muslims later remembered as Hums:

A great many additional more historical and ritualistic nuances to the portrait can be supplied from Ibn Ishaq:

The Hums were, then, tribesmen of the Quraysh, the Kinana, the Khuza'a, and the Amir ibn Sa'sa'a who embraced, or perhaps had even newly embraced, what was later called the religion of Abraham, Muhammad's own later phrase to describe Islam, and which the members strongly identified with the cult of the Ka'ba in Mecca, even to the exclusion of the other pilgrimage rituals, chiefly the Hajj, which was focused on other places, like Mina and Arafat. In this view, and we have no reason to doubt it, the original Hajj had nothing to do with the "religion of Abraham," and the Quraysh as Hums did not recognize the Hajj because some of its rituals took place outside the Haram, as appears from this passage in Ibn Ishaq which seems to draw the Hums definition of the Haram somewhat short of Arafat:

These limited cult excursions outside of Mecca may have been by way of concession to some of the bedouin members of the sodality, or to newcomers who found it difficult to break old habits, because other reports stress the Hums' narrower definition of the area immediately around the Ka'ba, as in this from Muqatil ibn Sulayman:

If we are to believe this, the Hums attempted, perhaps not entirely successfully, to exclude even Safa and Marwa, within a stone's throw from the Ka'ba, from their own particular rites. Or perhaps not. Muslim commentators were continuously attempting to supply the historical background for the Quran's great number of verses without context. One such directly addresses Safa and Marwa and what appears to be a group of Meccans who hesitated to accept the cult there: "Safa and Marwa are among the indications of Allah. It is therefore no sin for him who is on pilgrimage to the House of God, or visiting it, to go round them..." (Quran 2:158).

Limiting their cult rituals to the Haram of Mecca was only one aspect of Hums' observance. There were dietary and domestic taboos and a great deal of emphasis upon the clothes connected with the ritual:

If the report of Muhammad's claim that he too was a member of the Hums has any credibility, it must refer to his other later boast that he was an adherent of the "religion of Abraham" because, at Medina at least, he did not venerate the Quraysh, he did not exclude Arafat from the Islamic Hajj, nor did he appear to practice any of the Hums' clothing taboos described by Azraqi:

Finally, we can approach the belief system of the Hums from another side. Among the liturgical acclamations called talbiyya -- "We are present (labbayka), O Lord, We are present" -- is one purporting to be the ritual cry of the Hums. In it Allah is addressed not only as "Lord of the Ka'ba," as we might suspect, but also as "Lord of Manat, al-Lat, and al-Uzza," and even as "Lord of Sirius." Both sentiments are exprsesed in the Quran, the first in references to the goddesses as the "daughters of Allah," a notion that was embraced on at least one occasion -- that of the "Satanic verses" -- and the second as part of a kind of a credo (Quran 53:49) associated with a scriptural monotheist. Allah, we seem to be told in this labbayka, was not the only god, but he was assuredly the master of the other gods, another sentiment exactly echoed in the Quran:

THE PERSIAN OCCUPATION OF THE KINGDOM OF HIMYAR

According to the Arab-Muslim tradition, Abraha, once the viceroy of the Abyssinian Negus in the Yemen and more recently an autonomous king there, met his death in a vain attempt to take Mecca, with important effects on that latter city. The attack was said to have taken place in the same year as Muhammad's birth, which, if it is placed in 570 A.D., leaves little time for the succession of two of Abraha's sons in turn, Yaksum and Masruq.

The rule of the Abyssinian occupiers eventually was by then intolerable to the local Himyarite aristocracy, and during the reign of Masruq one of them, Sayf ibn dhi Yazan went to Constantinople to seek help from the unbalanced Justin II (r. 565-578).

Failing to gain a hearing in Byzantium, Sayf made contact with the Lakhmid prince of al-Hira, Amr ibn Mundhir, who introduced him to the shah's court. He complained that his country had been taken over by "ravens," that is, blacks. From Abyssinia or Sind, Khusraw wanted to know. Abyssinians, he was told. "And I have come to your for help and that you may assume the kingship of my country." Though he cmposed a poem "in the Himyarite language" in praise of the shah, he received no firm commitment from Khusraw, who remarked: "Your country is far distant and has little to attract me. I cannot endanger a Persian army in Arabia and there is no reason why I should do so." (Ibn Ishaq 1955, p. 31).

Sayf died at the shah's court while still awaiting a response, but his son Ma'di-karib appears to have had somewhat better luck with Khusraw. An army was put together from 800 tough prisoners routed out of Iranian jails, and they set sail for the Yemen under an elderly knight, Vahriz (ar. Wahriz).

Despite these losses enroute, the Persian expeditionary force found some local support for Ma'di-karib and removed Masruq from the scene (575 A.D.) Vahriz returned to Iraq with a great deal of gold, but before leaving, he instructed his new client on his repsonsibility for levying land and poll taxes and sending the proceeds to the shah, which was exactly the practice followed in the Hijaz.

Ma'di-karib's reign lasted no more than two years; in 577 he was assassinated by an Abyssinian conspiracy. Khusraw had once again to send out Vahriz, this time with 4000 Persian regular troops.

THE BIRTH OF MUHAMMAD IBN ABDULLAH

Thus rapidly does Muhammad's father pass from history, the same Abdullah nearly sacrificed by his own father, Abd al-Muttalib.

This apparently confident chronology is belied by most of the other information we possess about the life of the Prophet. To begin with, not all the authorities date his birth in the so-called Year of the Elephant. Muhammad, like most others of his contemporaries and people in similar circumstances for many centuries after, had little or no idea when he was born and thus of his exact age at his death. Most of the authorities make him anywhere between 60- and 65-years-old when he died, a quite advanced age in that culture and quite at odds with the impression given by the sources of his vitality and of the unexpectedness of his death when it did occur.

As it turns out, the reported age of Muhammad was a function not of the memory of his followers, who had no way of knowing it, but of a calculation based on quite another set of considerations. This is one example:

One nonhistorical element in the calculation was the notion that the Prophet should have been at the ideal age of 40 when he received his first revelation, and another, less frequently invoked, is that he should not have yet reached the age of responsibility when he took part in the so-called Sinful Wars. The consequent calculations have led to numerous anomalies, like obliging Khadija to bear Muhammad eight children after she had passed the age of 40.

Later Muslim authorities seem to give tacit recognition to the uncertainty of any of the chronological indications passed on about the Prophet's life at Mecca. They, like us, must have felt that the historical ground grew firm only at Muhammad's migration to Medina; it was that date, in any event, that they chose to begin the Muslim calendrical era.

Please enter your name:

and your E-Mail address:

Type in here which week this assignment is for:

Please answer one of the following questions in the space provided [please type in the question itself at the beginning.:

1. Peters provides an account of Arabia just prior to Muhammad's birth, and of his earliest years. How does Peters explain the role of Mecca and its Ka'ba prior to Muhammad and how did Muhammad change Meccan use of this place?
2. What in "international relations" affecting Arabia had an impact on Muhammad early in his life?
3. What exactly was the issue of clothes and clothing surrounding the "Hums" and prayer at the Ka'ba?