Menjiye Tabeta and the Fuga of Gurageland

menjiye_c8s.jpg Menjiye is a Fuga. The Fuga have been described by the American anthropologist William Shack as "a low-status occupational caste" of hunters, artisans and ritual specialists who live among the Gurage.[1]  Today it is estimated that there are roughly 20,000 Fuga living in Gurageland.[2] The Fuga are specialists in the working of wood and bamboo and the production of pottery. The blacksmiths (Nafwra) who work iron and the tanners (Gezha) who are leather workers form separate caste groups, but these groups do not form castes simply because they are engaged in these occupations. Many wooden items, for example, are made by the Gurage. Wives of Fuga sometimes engage in pottery making, however most potters are Gurage, not Fuga women. In the eyes of the Gurage, potters are not despised unless they are Fuga. Fuga women assist Fuga men in making bamboo baskets and mats, but Gurage women often decorate these baskets with leather strips. This does not make them Fuga or Gezha. Why these caste groups exist is not a simple question.[3]

There are a number of culture traits that differentiate the Fuga from the Gurage. menjiye_c3s.jpgFuga are known for their skill and role as hunters, their distinctive language, and their religious practices. Like all caste groups in Gurageland and in other parts of Ethiopia, Fuga are despised and occupy an inferior social status. Traditionally, they were not allowed to own land, they cannot marry into Gurage families, and they cannot enter shrines associated with Gurage religious institutions. Though the Gurage despise the Fuga, they also seem to respect their specialized knowledge. This is reflected in the Gurage saying: "A Fuga is one who knows."[4]

Fuga could not own land or livestock prior to the 1974 Revolution. However, they could form a "partnership" with Gurage patrons whose lands they could work. Basically, a Fuga would perform a number of duties for the patron, like producing wood furniture and domestic utensils, weaving bamboo baskets, or making pots. In exchange patrons provided land, food, and cloth.

Among Fuga there is occupational gender specialization. Men work wood, women are potters, and both men and women weave bamboo for baskets and mats. As wood workers, Fuga produce a wide range of objects. Some specialize in building houses. menjiye_c12s.jpg They also make both single- and double-pronged digging sticks-fundamental tools used for cultivation. Fuga produce food preparation and serving utensils, including a variety of bowls, mortars, and chopping blocks, as well as personal items like combs and flat wood-soled shoes. One of their most interesting products is the headrest, or gemma. The headrest is used to raise the head off the sleeping surface so that one's hairstyle is not disturbed.

menjiye_c6s.jpg The most ambitious item that Menjiye makes is a bed. He claims to have carved over 200 of them. Menjiye usually does the commissioned carving at the client's house. This is an impressive demonstration of his skill. He uses twelve pieces of wood; four planks serve as the frame, supported by four posts, all are held together by four pegs. The planks and posts are decorated with the painted and incised geometric designs found on other Fuga wood products. menjiye_c2s.jpg The client provides the wood, feeds Menjiye, and pays him up to 100 birr ($20 U.S.) for his labor.

Formerly, Fuga were not allowed to sell their products at market; the items were instead given to their Gurage patrons (landlords) who sold them at a profit. Today, however, Fuga carve on commission and for the market. There is an area at all Gurage markets where Fuga woodwork is sold. Here, one may see the carvers or their wives and children applying the finishing touches, incising geometric designs into the wood's surface.

 

The Life of an Object

Most of the wood objects from the Gurage area found in museum collections around the world look quite different than the new objects that Menjiya carved for the MSU Museum and that were purchased in Gurageland markets. The new objects are carved from light-colored woods and often are painted. Magenta and purple seem to be the most popular color combination today-though Menjiya likes to also use green and yellow.

The objects found in museums reveal an "aesthetic of use;" their appearance has changed dramatically since leaving the hands of the Fuga who made them. Most "Gurage" woodwork has a rich, brown patina or surface. This is due in large part to a natural "smoking" process. Most wood utensils and furniture, when not in use, are hung on the walls inside a house. The typical Gurage house fills with smoke at least twice a day from the cooking fire and over the course of a few years the original light-colored wood darkens and the brightly painted design eventually is completely obscured. In addition, specific contexts of use change the appearance of the object, Take a headrest for example. Butter used to adorn the hair seeps into the wood and gives its surface an oiled, glossy finish; the crisp edges and sharply incised design are smoothed from handling, and the surface acquires the ubiquitous dark, brown patina.


notes
1. William Shack, The Gurage: a People of the Ensete Culture (London: International African Institute and Oxford University Press, 1966), 8. A veriety of terms have been used in the scholarly literature to refer to the special groups of people found in many Ethiopian societies: "submerged classes," "outcast groups," "pariah groups," "occupationals," "despised groups," "caste groups." The literature is full of debate addressing the validity of using any and all of these terms. For simplicity's sake I have chosen to use the term "caste."

2. Shack has suggested a proportion of one Fuga for every hundred Gurage, "Notes on Occupational Castes among the Gurage of South-West Ethiopia," Man 64 (54) 1964: 50. Accepting the current statistics of a Gurage population of nearly two million, there are roughly 20,000 Fuga.

3. There has been a good deal written about the distinctive nature of the Fuga. Shack argues that they may be descendentsof a distinct ethnic group, pointing out that the Gurage consider themselves "racially" different from the Fuga--an interpretation that requires further investigation. Ibid. There has been considerable debate about the nature of the caste groups that are found in various Ethiopian societies. David Todd provides a summary of some of the issues scholars are grappling with in their attempts to reconstruct the origins of these groups in, "The Origins of Outcasts in Ethiopia: Reflections on an Evolutionary Theory." Abbay (9) 1978: 145-58.

4. Shack, The Gurage, 12.

 

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