C. SCHOOLS AND LEARNING IN THE SOUTHERN COLONIES
Schools and learning in Virginia
Although the scattered farms and plantations of Virginia were a far less promising soil for the cultivation of learning than New England's compact towns, local schools appeared, tutors were employed by wealthy planters for their children, and some youths were sent to England for instruction. The earliest endowment for a free school in the colonies, consisting of two hundred acres of land and eight cows, was left in the will of Benjamin Syms of Virginia in 1634. [1a] Nevertheless, when compared with New or old England, schooling in colonial Virginia was private, scanty, and haphazard.
[1a.] The will is printed in Knight, Education in the South, I, 203-205.
1. The effects of Virginia's "scattered planting" on education, 1662
R. G., Virginia's Cure, or An Advisive Narrative Concerning Virginia (London, 1662), pp. 5-6, 9,10-11.
Their almost general want of schools for the education of their children is another consequence of their scattered planting, of most sad consideration, most of all bewailed of parents there; and therefore the arguments drawn from thence most likely to prevail with them cheerfully to embrace the remedy. This want of schools, as it renders a very numerous generation of Christians' children born in Virginia (who naturally are of beautiful and comely persons and generally of more ingenious spirits than these in England) unserviceable for any great employments either in Church or State; so likewise it obstructs the hopefullest way they have for the conversion of the heathen, which is, by winning the heathen. . . to bring in their children to be taught and instructed in our schools together with the children of the Christians.
. . . . .
I shall humbly. . . endeavor to contribute towards the compassing this remedy by propounding:
1. That your Lordship would be pleased to acquaint the King with the necessity of promoting the building [of] towns in each county of Virginia, upon the consideration of the forementioned sad consequences of their present manner of living there.
2. That your Lordship. . . be pleased to move the pitiful and charitable heart of His Gracious Majesty (considering the poverty and needs of Virginia) for a collection to be made in all the churches of his three kingdoms. . . for the promoting a work of so great charity to the souls of many thousands of his loyal subjects, their children, and the generations after them, and of numberless poor heathen; and that the ministers of each congregation be enjoined with more than ordinary care and pains to stir up the people to a free and liberal contribution towards it . . .
2. The report of Sir William Berkeley, governor of Virginia, on the state of free schools, learning, and the ministry in the colony, 1671
"Enquiries to the Governor of Virginia," submitted by the Lords' Commissioners of Foreign Plantations, in Va. Statutes at Large, II, 517.
What course is taken about the instructing the people within your government in the christian religion; and what provision is there made for the paying of your ministry?
Answer. The same course that is taken in England out of towns; every man according to his ability instructing his children. We have forty-eight parishes, and our ministers are well paid, and by my consent should be better if they would pray oftener and preach less. But of all other commodities, so of this, the worst are sent us, and we had few that we could boast of, since the persecution in Cromwell's tyranny drove divers worthy men hither. But, I thank God, there are no free schools nor printing, and I hope we shall not have these hundred years; for learning has brought disobedience, and heresy, and sects into the world, and printing has divulged them, and libels against the best government.[1b] God keep us from both!
3. The parish schools of Virginia in 1724
Jones, Virginia, p. 70.
In most parishes are schools (little houses being built on purpose) where are taught English and writing; but to prevent the sowing the seeds of dissention and faction, it is to be wished that the masters or mistresses should be such as are approved or licensed by the minister, and vestry of the parish, or justices of the county; the clerks of the parishes being generally most proper for this purpose; or (in case of their incapacity or refusal) such others as can best be procured.
4. Hugh Jones writes from England on the Virginian's attitude toward education, 1724
Jones, Virginia, pp. 45-47.
As for education, several are sent to England for it, though the Virginians being naturally of good parts (as I have already hinted), neither require nor admire as much learning as we do in Britain; yet more would be sent over were they not afraid of the smallpox, which most commonly proves fatal to them.
But indeed when they come to England they are generally put to learn to persons that know little of their temper, who keep them drudging on in what is of least use to them, in pedantic methods, too tedious for their volatile genius.
For grammar learning taught after the common roundabout way is not much beneficial or delightful to them; so that they are noted to be more apt to spoil their school-fellows than improve themselves; because they are imprisoned and enslaved to what they hate and think useless, and have not peculiar management proper for their humor and occasion.
A civil treatment with some liberty, if permitted with discretion, is most proper for them, and they have most need of, and readily take polite and mathematical learning; and in English may be conveyed to them (without going directly to Rome and Athens) all the arts, sciences, and learned accomplishments of the ancients and moderns, without the fatigue and expense of another language, for which most of them have little use or necessity, since (without another) they may understand their own speech, and all other things requisite to be learned by them sooner and better.
Thus the youth might as well be instructed there as here by proper methods without the expense and danger of coming hither, especially if they make use of the great advantage of the College at Williamsburg, where they may (and many do) imbibe the principles of all human and divine literature, both in English and in the learned languages.
By the happy opportunity of this College may they be advanced to religious and learned education, according to the discipline and doctrine of the established Church of England; in which respect this College may prove of singular service and be an advantageous and laudable nursery and strong bulwark against the contagious dissensions in Virginia…
5. The early history of the College of William and Mary and proposals for its reform by a professor, 1724
Jones, Virginia, pp.\26-27, 83-87.
From the beginning of permanent settlement in Virginia considerable interest was expressed in the founding of a college, but none appeared until the chartering of William and Mary in 1693.
This royal foundation was granted and established by charter, by King William and Queen Mary, and endowed by them, with some thousand acres of land, with duties upon furs and skins, and a penny a pound for all tobacco transported from Virginia and Maryland, to the other plantations; to which have been made several additional benefactions, as that handsome establishment of Mr. Boyle, for the education of Indians, [1c] with the many contributions of the country, especially a late one of £ 1000 to buy Negroes for the College use and service.
The society is a corporation established for a president, six masters or professors, with a hundred scholars, more or less.
For some causes that I can't account for, the revenue is not improved as much as might be wished; neither is the College brought to that method of education and advantage, as it might be; though it is hoped, that in a few years it will, like the palm tree, grow to the greater perfection, under the weighty obstacles that load it.
The salary of the President, Mr. James Blair, has been lately ordered to be reduced from 150 to £ 100 per annum.
The salary of the fellows (one of which I have been several years) is £ 80 per annum each, with 20s. entrance, and 20s. a year for pupilage for each scholar: The payments are sometimes made in current Spanish money, and sometimes in sterling bills.
The nature of the country scarce yet admits of a possibility of reducing the collegians to the nice methods of life and study observed in Oxford and Cambridge; though by degrees they may copy from thence many useful customs and constitutions.
. . . . .
For it is now a college without a chapel, without a scholarship, and without a statute.
There is a library without books, comparatively speaking, and a president without a fixed salary till of late: A burgess without certainty of electors; and in fine, there have been disputes and differences about these and the like affairs of the college hitherto without end.
These things greatly impede the progress of sciences and learned arts, and discourage those that may be inclined to contribute their assistance or bounty towards the good of the College.
Nevertheless the difficulties of this kind might be removed by some such regulations as follow, viz.
Let none be permitted to teach school in any parish, but such as shall be nominated by the minister and vestry, and licensed by the president of the College.
Let such lads as have been taught to read and instructed in the grounds of the English language in those schools, be admitted into the grammar school at the College, if they pass examination before the president and masters; together with such youth as shall be sent from Maryland, who have a right to be educated at this College.
Provided always that the number of grammar scholars shall never exceed one hundred.
Let them be boarded and lodged in the dormitory, as they are at present; or upon such terms as may from time to time seem most proper to the president and masters, or to the governors, till a transfer be obtained.
These lads should be two years under the care of the usher, [1d] and two more under the grammar master; and by them instructed in Latin and Greek, in such methods as the president and masters shall direct.
And during these four years, at certain appointed times they should be taught to write as they now are in the writing-school, or in such methods as the president and masters may judge better: There also should the writing master teach them the grounds and practice of arithmetick, in order to qualify such for business, as intend to make no farther progress in learning.
Out of the grammar school should be yearly elected by the president and masters (or professors) five scholars upon the foundation, who should be allowed their board, education, and lodging in proper apartments gratis; and should also be provided with cloaths and gowns. . .
These scholars should continue three years upon the foundation; during which time, at appointed terms they should be instructed in languages, in religion, in mathematicks, in philosophy, and in history, by the five masters or professors appointed for that purpose; who with the grammar master make up the number appointed by the charter.
Besides the scholars, the professors should for a certain sum instruct such others as may be entered commoners in the College out of the grammar school, or from elsewhere, by the approbation of the president and masters, who should be obliged to wear gowns, and be subject to the same statutes and rules as the scholars; and as commoners [1e] are in Oxford. These should maintain themselves, and have a particular table, and chambers for their accommodation.
For to wait at the four high tables hereafter mentioned, there should be elected by the president and masters four servitors, who should have their education, and such allowances, as the servitors in Oxford.
Such scholars, commoners, and servitors, as have behaved themselves well, and minded their studies for three years, and can pass proper examination, and have performed certain exercises, should have the degree of a batchellor of arts conferred upon them; should eat at a table together, and be distinguished by a peculiar habit; maintain themselves, be subject to certain rules, and pursue proper studies; being allowed the use of the Library as well as the masters, paying proper fees upon their admission for the good of the Library.
Out of these batchellors should be yearly elected by the presidents, and masters, one fellow to be allowed £20 for his passage to England, and £ 20 per annum for three years after his speedy entrance and continuance in some certain college in Oxford or Cambridge; after which he should commence master of arts; which degree, with all others in our universities, should be conferred in the same manner in this college by the president and masters.
Out of the graduates above batchellors should the masters or professors be chosen by the election of the said masters or professors, with the president; who also every seven years should chose a new chancellor, to whose determination all disputes and differences should be referred.
And when the president's place is vacant, it should be filled by such of the masters as has belonged first to the College.
. . . . .
Such an establishment would encourage the bright youth of Virginia to apply to their studies, and in some measure would compel them to improve themselves; whereas, now being left to their own liberty, they proceed but superficially . . . Here too would be great inducements for their friends to advise and persuade them to go through with their learning; when they are certain, that they will thus be regularly improved, and have prospect of a cheap education, and hopes of the best preferment in their country in Church and State; and have equal (if not superior) chance with others for promotion abroad in the world; being bred compleat gentlemen and good Christians, and qualified for the study of the gospel, law, or physick; and prepared for undertaking trade, or any useful projects and inventions.
[1d.] An assistant to the schoolmaster.
[1e.] A student who pays for his own board.
Educational work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts
This Society, chartered in England in 1701 and supported by philanthropy, sent many schoolmasters and missionaries to the southern and middle-Atlantic colonies in America. Its purpose was to gain converts to the Church of England, with elementary instruction one means to that end. Its schoolmasters cooperated with parish clergy. The Society was the leading agency of Anglican good works in America.
1. Instructions to schoolmasters, 1706
Charles F. Pascoe, comp., Classified Digest of the Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1701-1892 (London, 1893), pp. 944-945.
I. That they well consider the end for which they are employed by the Society, viz., the instructing and disposing children to believe and live as Christians.
II. In order to this end, that they teach them to read truly and distinctly, that they may be capable of reading the Holy Scriptures and other pious and useful books for informing their understandings and regulating their manners.
III. That they instruct them thoroughly in the Church-Catechism; teach them first to read it distinctly and exactly, then to learn it perfectly by heart, endeavoring to make them understand the sense and meaning of it by the help of such expositions as the Society shall send over.
IV. That they teach them to write a plain and legible hand, in order to the fitting them for useful employments, with as much arithmetic as shall be necessary to the same purpose.
V. That they be industrious, and give constant attendance at proper school hours.
VI. That they daily use, morning and evening, the prayers composed for their use in this collection with their scholars in the school, and teach them the prayers and graces composed for their use at home.
VII. That they oblige their scholars to be constant at church on the Lord's Day, morning and afternoon, and at all other times of public worship. That they cause them to carry their Bibles and Prayer Books with them, instructing them how to use them there and how to demean themselves in the several parts of worship. That they be there present with them, taking care of their reverent and decent behavior, and examine them afterwards as to what they have heard and learned.
VIII. That when any of their scholars are fit for it, they recommend them to the minister of the parish to be publicly catechized in the church.
IX. That they take especial care of their manners, both in their schools and out of them, warning them seriously of those vices to which children are most liable, teaching them to abhor lying and falsehood and to avoid all sorts of evil-speaking, to love truth and honesty, to be modest, gentle, well-behaved, just and affable, and courteous to all their companions, respectful to their superiors, particularly towards all that minister in holy things and especially to the minister of their parish, and all this from a sense and fear of Almighty God, endeavoring to bring them in their tender years to that sense of religion which may render it the constant principle of their lives and actions.
X. That they use all kind and gentle methods in the government of their scholars that they may be loved as well as feared by them; and that when correction is necessary, they make the children to understand that it is given them out of kindness for their good, bringing them to a sense of their fault as well as of their punishment.
XI. That they frequently consult with the minister of the parish in which they dwell about the methods of managing their schools, and be ready to be advised by him.
XII. That they do in their whole conversation show themselves examples of piety and virtue to their scholars and to all with whom they shall converse.
XIII. That they be ready, as they have opportunity, to teach and instruct the Indians and Negroes and their children.
XIV. That they send to the Secretary of the Society, once in every six months, an account of the state of their respective schools, the number of their scholars, with the methods and success of their teaching.
2. A schoolmaster describes his curriculum and some of his problems, Charlestown, South Carolina, 1723-1726
Report of Thomas Morritt in Helen E. Livingston, "Thomas Morritt, Schoolmaster at the Charleston Free School, 1723-1728," Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church, XIV (1945),151-167.
The Latin tongue is the intent of my mission and for that method I shall observe no other than what is usually practiced in other grammar schools in England . . . And in order to give the boys a taste of class[ical] geography I shall cause to be read Dionysius Periegetis and Cluver Geographia and these I shall be somewhat particular upon to compare them with the modem geography. . . Justin and others I shall cause to be frequently read and perused to give the boys a taste of chronology . . . Kennet's Goodwin and Potter's Antiquity shall be also read in order to be acquainted with the rights, customs, and ceremonies of the ancients, these at spare times or at home I shall endeavor to oblige the boys to read over together with the history of the heathen gods, pantheon, etc. But as for those boys which I shall have constantly in the house with me and such as are boarders, I do intend besides these books already mentioned to make them read three times a week at least, if not every night, classic history, especially such historians as we have translated into our language. Those books I will cause to be read an hour at nights between eight and nine, and I shall not omit at that time to instruct them in chronology and geography and teach them the use of the globes.
. . . . .
[Morrit complains about newcomers starting schools with easier curricula, 1723.]
I could heartily wish they were suppressed, for instead of being a furtherance to learning they're a great hindrance. It is customary here for a newcomer to set up for a schoolmaster and in a little time either grow weary or meet with some other employ. In the meantime, these intruders amuse the people and baulk the public school so much that I wish the humble Society would be pleased to interest themselves and represent this grievance to the Government.
. . . . .
I have ten boys sent me out of the country beside one that came from Philadelphia and another that came from the Bahaman Islands which are boarders, and ten charity boys recommended by the commissioners, two of which are mulattos; in all fifty-two, of which I daily expect an augmentation rather than a decrease.
. . . . .
Such are the difficulties I have met and struggled with, yet I thank God I have brought the school to something even beyond expectation, but yet would be much better was I in a convenient house, both convenient for boarders and more convenient for the town children. But this I live in is so crazy that some make a scruple of sending their children by day, lest it fall down. It is a brick house, two stories and a half high, and supported by sixteen shores, which is a hindrance to the increase of my boarders; and as for the new house, as it will not be ready against the hurricane season, so I must be obliged to have one at my own expense for the security of my goods and books, in which I suffered no small damage about two years ago, so much that I was obliged to write for new furniture which are now, I hope in God, safe at sea, with £ 35 sterling, school books, and part of my library I left behind me. I have drawn over a considerable interest into this country, so much that I cannot be able to remove out of it this two years, at least, without a considerable loss. And I have likewise 1000£ this currency owing me, which is not readily called in, as it is known I am fettered, so I am insulted and used the worse for it, which is very hard. I must thus be disturbed of my quiet and as it were ferreted out of my settlement. . .
The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel and the question of education for slaves
In its attempt to reach slaves the Society faced a difficult situation. Many masters feared that if slaves were baptized they would claim their freedom. If they were taught to read and write, the master's control would be jeopardized. The Society, on the other hand, felt bound to prepare slaves for baptism and, as far as its limited resources would allow, to supply elementary instruction. The first dilemma was resolved when the assemblies of the southern colonies and finally the British government itself declared that baptism gave no claim to freedom. No resolution of the conflict over the instruction of slaves was reached in this period. In practice the Society provided instruction only to a minute proportion of the slave population.
1. A missionary reports on the risks of teaching Negroes to read, 1710
Rev. Francis Le Jau to the London office of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, Feb. 1, 1710, in Knight, Education in the South, I, 107.
I should say something of propagating the Christian knowledge. We want a schoolmaster in [the] parish for our white people's children, but as for the Negroes or Indians, with all submission, I would desire that such a thing should be taken into consideration as the importance of the matter and the consequences which may follow do deserve. The best scholar of all the Negroes in my parish, and a very sober and honest liver, through his learning was like to create some confusion among all the Negroes in this country. He had a book wherein he read some description of the several judgments that chastise men because of their sins in these latter days; that description made an impression upon his spirit and he told his masters abruptly there would be a dismal time and the moon woud be turned into blood and there would be dearth of darkness and went away. When I heard of that I sent for the Negro who ingeniously told me he had read so in a book. I advised him and charged him not to put his own constructions upon his reading after that manner, and to be cautious not to speak so, which he promised to me, but yet would never show me the book. But when he spoke those few words to his master some Negro overheard a part, and it was publicly blazed abroad that an angel came and spake to the man; he had seen a hand that gave him a book, he had heard voices, seen fires, etc. As I had opportunities, I took care to undeceive those who asked me about it. Now it is over. I fear that those men have not judgment enough to make a good use of their learning; and I have thought most convenient not to urge too far that Indians and Negroes should be indifferently admitted to learn to read, but I leave it to the discretion of their masters whom I exhort to examine well their inclinations. I have often observed and lately hear that it had been better if persons of melancholy constitution or those that run into the search after curious matter had never seen a book.
2. Conversion to Christianity does not affect the slave's status, South Carolina, 1711
J. Brevard, ed., Digest of the Public Statute" Law of South Carolina, II (Charleston, 1814), 229.
Masters frequently refused their slaves any religious instruction for fear that conversion would entitle them to freedom. In South Carolina the issue was settled by legislation.
Since charity and the Christian religion which we profess obliges us to wish well to the souls of all men, and that religion may not be made a pretence to alter any man's property and right, and that no persons may neglect to baptize their Negroes or slaves, or suffer them to be baptized for fear that thereby they should be manumitted and set free: Be it therefore enacted, that it shall be, and is hereby declared, lawful for any Negro or Indian slave, or any other slave or slaves whatsoever, to receive and profess the Christian faith, and be thereunto baptized. But that notwithstanding such slave or slaves shall receive and profess the Christian religion, and be baptized, he or they shall not thereby be manumitted or set free, or his or their owner, master, or mistress lose his or their civil right, property, and authority over such slave or slaves, but that the slave or slaves, with respect to his or their servitude, shall remain and continue in the same state and condition that he or they was in before the making of this act.
3. A missionary of the Society discusses the baptism issue, North Carolina, 1719
A report from Mr. Taylor, April 23, 1719, to the Society, in No. Car. Records, II (1886), 331-333.
In this year I caused a pretty many of the children to learn our catechism, and catechized them in public. In this year I baptized one adult white young woman and thirty white children, and one adult Negro young woman, and one mustee [1f] young woman and three mustee young children, in all thirty-six. I hope I took a method with the Negro young man, and with the mustee young woman whom I baptized which will please the Society, which was this. I made them get our Church Catechism perfectly without book, and then I took some pains with them to make them understand it, and especially the baptismal covenant, and to persuade them, faithfully and constantly to perform the great things they were to promise at their baptism and ever after to perform to God. And then I caused them to say the catechism one [on the] Lord's Day, and the other [on another] Lord's Day before a large congregation without book, which they did both distinctly, and so perfectly that all that heard them admired their saying it so well. And with great satisfaction to myself I baptized these two persons…
I had for some time great hopes of being the minister that should convert and baptize the rest of Esquire Duckenfield's slaves, which I was very desirous and ambitious to be, and I would have begrudged no pains but would, most freely and with the greatest pleasure, have done all I could to promote and accomplish this so great, and so good work. And in order thereunto, I was preparing four more of them for baptism, and had taught one of those four [his] catechism very perfectly and the other three a good part of it, and now as I was about this good work, the enemies to the conversion and baptism of slaves industriously and very busily buzzed into the peoples' ears that all slaves that were baptized were to be set free. And this silly bugbear so greatly scared Esquire Duckenfield that he told me plainly I should baptize no more of his slaves till the Society had got a law made in England that no baptized slave should be set free because he is baptized, and sen[t] it here. And many more are of the same mind, and so this good work was knocked in the head, which is a great trouble to me because so many slaves are so very desirous to become Christians without any expectation of being set free when they are baptized. I fear this good work will not be revived and prosper here till such a law is enacted by the Parliament of Great Britain and this people are acquainted with it, for I perceive nothing else will satisfy them.
[1f.] A person of mixed European and Indian ancestry.
4. A clergyman supports religious instruction of slaves, but opposes teaching them to read and write, Virginia, 1724
Jones, Virginia, pp. 70-71.
As for baptizing Indians and Negroes, several of the people disapprove of it; because they say it often makes them proud, and not so good servants: But these, and such objections, are easily refuted, if the persons be sensible, good, and understand English, and have been taught (or are willing to learn) the principles of Christianity, and if they be kept to the observance of it afterwards; for Christianity encourages and orders them to become more humble and better servants, and not worse, than when they were heathens.
But as for baptizing wild Indians and new Negroes, who have not the least knowledge nor inclination to know and mind our religion, language and customs, but will obstinately persist in their own barbarous ways; I question whether baptism of such (till they be a little weaned of their savage barbarity) be not a prostitution of a thing so sacred.
But as for the Children of Negroes and Indians, that are to live among Christians, undoubtedly they ought all to be baptized; since it is not out of the power of their masters to take care that they have a Christian education, learn their prayers and catechism, and go to church, and not accustom themselves to lie, swear and steal, though such (as the poorer sort in England) be not taught to read and write; which as yet has been found to be dangerous upon several political accounts, especially self-preservation.