AAR 1999 Panel Report

By Scott Hurley, University of Arizona

Chair: Terry Kleeman (University of Colorado)
Panelists: Lin Chen-kuo (National Chengchi University)
Tsai Yen-zen (National Chengchi University)
Elise Ann Devido (National Chengchi University)
Respondent: Charles Jones (The Catholic University of America)

             Professor Lin's paper, "Building a Pure Land on Earth: Master Yin-shun and Buddhism in Taiwan" discusses the ideas of the prominent scholar-monk, Yin-shun (1906-), currently residing in Taiwan. Lin focuses on the following four essays written by Yin-shun from 1951-52: "New Treatise on the Pure Land " (1951), "Prologue to Buddhism on Earth" (1952), "Buddhism on Earth: A Historical-Hermeneutical Analysis" (1952), and "Buddhism on Earth: An Essay" (1952). These essays explicate Yin-shun's ideas known in Taiwan as jen-chien fo-chiao ("Buddhism on earth") and jen-chien ching-t'u ("Pure Land on earth"). In his paper, Lin summarizes the important aspects of these concepts.
             According to Lin, Yin-shun seeks to create an ideal community in which people can pursue enlightenment without distraction. Bodhisattvas and ordinary people work together to maintain the community, establishing a "Pure Land on earth." The doctrinal foundations for Buddhist practice in this Pure Land are the concepts of dependent origination and emptiness. In Yin-shun's opinion, without an understanding that all beings are essentially empty of a permanent, unchanging self and are dependent upon each other for existence, the ability to obtain wisdom and exercise compassion is undermined. Yin-shun criticizes tathagatagarbha and Buddha-nature doctrine, and therefore most of traditional Chinese Buddhism, as fostering a belief in a permanent, ontological ground of existence--an idea perceived by him as being contrary to emptiness and dependent origination. Furthermore, he disparages the Pure Land practice of chanting the Buddha's name (nien-fo) in order to enter Amitabha's Western Paradise for its "other-worldly" focus, and thus neglect of social action in the "here and now."
             To clarify his doctrinal position, Yin-shun delineates his own system of classification (pan-chiao) for the Buddhist teachings wherein he differentiates the definitive teachings--those of the Agamas and early Mahayana--from the non-definitive teachings--later Mahayana, Tantric Buddhism, and much of Chinese Buddhism. More specifically, he characterizes Madhyamaka as the definitive expression of Buddhist Truth, followed by the non-definitive teachings of Yogacara, and tathagatagarbha, respectively.
               Yin-shun describes his "Pure Land on earth" as a place wherein both Buddhist practice theoretically grounded on emptiness doctrine and social reform are combined to form what he calls an "anarchic-socialist community." For Lin, this is Yin-shun's most significant contribution to the Buddhist social movement in Taiwan. Lin hopes that scholars in Taiwan will give more adequate attention to Yin-shun's notion of "anarchic-socialism," discussing it from a philosophically sophisticated point of view, and thereby giving it a voice among the ideological debates in Taiwan concerning liberalism and communitarianism.

               Apocalyptic sects in the Republic of China have increased significantly from a mere twelve groups before the lifting of martial law in 1987 to over 200 today. The proliferation of such groups can be understood within the context of the social, political, economic, and environmental issues that have become a concern in Taiwanese society since 1987. After martial law ended, many religious and secular movements appeared, addressing such issues as human rights, animal rights, pollution, and conservation.

               In his paper, "Apocalyptic Sects in Contemporary Taiwan," Professor Tsai discusses the characteristics of apocalyptic religions by examining the beliefs and practices of three religious sects currently active in the Republic of China: the New Testament Church, the Ten Thousand Buddhas Society, and the Teaching of the Heavenly Lord. All three religions, though characteristically sectarian, operate from a "this worldly" perspective, engaging in social activism and operating within the economic and political parameters of the secular community. The Ten Thousand Buddhas Society, for example, has formed its own political party, while the members of the New Testament Church sell organic produce to the public which they grew on their own land.
               Tsai focuses his theoretical discussion on the use of the term, "apocalyptic," for the characterization of new religions in Taiwan. He notes that scholars who study Western traditions agree that apocalyptic sects possess two important features. First, they describe reality dualistically, in both the temporal and spatial sense. In other words, they distinguish what is happening in the present from what will occur in the future (temporal dualism) and differentiate the mundane world from the transcendent realm (spatial dualism). Second, apocalyptic religions avoid contact with secular society. From his analysis of the aforementioned religions, Tsai demonstrates that many religious sects in Taiwan do not necessarily conform to these two features of apocalypticism. Few have an aversion to society or adhere to a strict spatial or temporal dualism. In the end, Tsai argues for a broader definition of apocalypticism that will include the types of religions appearing in the Republic of China.

               The research for Elise Devido's paper, "The 'Infinite Worlds' of Taiwan's Buddhist Nuns," consisted of interviews with Buddhist nuns, a review of the literature pertaining to Taiwanese Buddhism, and a survey of general sources related to the role of female monastics in Buddhism. In her paper, Devido elucidates the characteristics related to the development and subsequent flourishing of female monasticism in Taiwan. First, she emphasizes the important role laywomen played in the practice and promulgation of Buddhism in the early to mid twentieth century. As an example, Devido mentions the women's vegetarian movements that appeared prior to 1949. She suggests that these groups functioned as a stimulus for the growth of female monasticism. Second, in the 1960's and 1970's, monks from the mainland, having brought with them the formal monastic precepts, actively encouraged the ordination of women. At the same time, Buddhist study groups appeared in which young people gathered to learn about Buddhist doctrine and practice. Many nuns received their initial inspiration to enter the monastic life from these groups. Finally, the social, economic, and political circumstances of the 1970's and 1980's, which culminated in the lifting of martial law in 1987, made the monastic life more accessible.
               In concluding her paper, Devido raises the issue of the relationship between feminism and female monasticism. She indicates that inequalities still exist in the monastic institution, pointing to the "Eight Chief Laws" which subordinate nuns to monks and the greater number of precepts for nuns. Nevertheless, the liberalization of gender roles in the 1970's in Taiwan lent legitimacy to monasticism as one choice among many for women. Today, Taiwanese nuns enjoy high social position, play roles in monastic leadership, and pursue higher education both in the Republic of China and abroad. However, according to Devido, when interviewed, many nuns did not identify themselves with the objectives of feminism. Rather than working for gender equality, the nuns underscored the importance of spreading the Dharma and improving society.

               Charles Jones aptly responded to each of the discussants, beginning with Elise Devido's presentation. He focused his comments on a point made in Devido's paper about nuns in Taiwan today being generally of a higher quality person than monks. Jones suggested that since the number of women interested in monasticism far exceeds the number of men desiring to become monks, the pre-ordination requirements established by a monastery, though usually the same for men and women in theory, are, in reality, more strictly enforced for prospective nuns. On the contrary, men who want to become monks are often rushed through the training period, resulting in the ordaining of men with inferior dispositions who might otherwise have been eliminated by a more rigorous process. As for Tsai's paper, Jones questioned the usefulness of the term, apocalypticism. Since many of the new religions in the Republic of China do not possess the distinctive features of apocalyptic sects as defined by scholars of Western traditions, Jones recommended that other terminology be found or created to describe these characteristically unique religious phenomena. Finally, Jones found Professor Lin's discussion of Yin-shun's jen-chien fo-chiao and jen-chien ching-t'u very interesting. However, he pointed out that scholars in Taiwan have a tendency to avoid critical analysis of Yin-shun's work out of deference for his knowledge and age. Jones expressed the need for scholars to examine thoughtfully both Yin-shun's socio-political views and his interpretations of Buddhist doctrine and texts--a comment with which Lin wholeheartedly agreed.