Ian Machin, _Disraeli_ (Profiles in Power, Longman, London & New York,
1995), viii + 194.
Benjamin Disraeli is probably the most romantic of all British
politicians - flamboyant, eccentric, distinctly un-British. Like the
nation's other favourite Tory, Winston Churchill, he was determined,
long-serving, weak on party, strong on power and idolised by the public,
particularly after his death. Yet when it comes down to it, both men
were rather poor Prime Ministers whose ministries left little of lasting
importance in comparison to the records of less romantic figures such as
Gladstone or Attlee. But it is Disraeli who is loved and remembered, his
romance accentuated by the tendency of historians to link his fortunes
inextricably with those of William Gladstone, with the latter appearing
boring, pedantic and characterless in comparison (see comments of
Frederick Ponsonby quoted on pages 4-5). Although he does not entirely
explain this appeal to the public imagination, Ian Machin does show that
Disraeli's achievement in rising to the leadership of the Conservative
party and the country was quite remarkable given his inauspicious
beginnings as the son of a comfortable London-Jewish family. For, as the
author points out, success in nineteenth century politics required
talent, money, education and patronage, and Disraeli could muster only
two of these advantages - talent and the patronage of a Tory aristocrat
who provided his entre into parliament.
Thus, whilst he would have been comfortable in either party, luck drew
him into the Conservative fold. However, once there it was his
determination to 'reach the top of the greasy pole' which encouraged him
to remain in a party with those whose views he rarely shared, but whose
personnel offered the least opposition to his prime ministerial
ambitions. For, Machin asserts, it was his the lust for power which
drove him on.
To Disraeli, the prospect of gaining power was always
superior to any demand to vindicate ideals or to maintain
loyalty to leaders. (165)
His life, it would seem, was a constant struggle to get and keep power.
As a result of this conviction, the book is organised around the theme of
struggle, with the phases of Disraeli's life divided up into: 'Struggle in
Youth', 'Struggle with Peel', 'An Uphill Struggle' and the lengthy
'Struggle with Gladstone' parts I and II. Within these chronological
chunks, the author is more or less interested in asessing his subject's
views on economic, social, electoral and imperial policy. In addition -
reflecting the author's own interests - he dwells on a number of
religious controversies as well as emphasising Disraeli's interest in
Judaism and his own Jewishness, which though personally important to the
Conservative leader, never proved to be politically significant.
Overall, Disraeli emerges as a liberal whose underlying philosophy
differed little from Gladstone or Peel and whose commitment to any
coherent policy position was determined first and foremost by the
personal or party advantage to be gained. Thus, despite his 'One Nation'
and 'Tory Democracy' reputation, he was not a great or consistent social
reformer and even when in power, he left much of the policy formulation
to colleagues. Nor, contrary to the impression created by Crystal Palace
and his 'Forward Policy', was he much of an Imperialist before the
1870s. In economic policy he was essentially a liberal who only used
protection as a stick with which to beat Peel, dropping it as soon as he
possibly could. In fact, it would seem that only on electoral reform did
he indicate any enduring commitment to one line of policy - the
enfranchisement of the respectable urban working-class - and even here
his interest waned following the successful passage of the 1867 Act
(arguably his greatest achievement). On religious issues his position
varied according to circumstances (for example his attitude to Church
Rates) and in general it would seem that the stance adopted on any given
issue was pre-determined by the opportunity it provided to embarrass the
Whigs and/or Gladstone or secure a party advantage by some unholy
alliance with the radicals.
Given this driving ambition to secure political power, Disraeli is an
obvious candidate for a volume in Longman's 'Profiles in Power' series
where he shares a roster with, among others, Elizabeth I, Juarez,
Napoleon III, Ataturk, Castro and, inevitably, Churchill (though not
Gladstone!). The volume is based on a synthesis of the main secondary
sources and on the author's own research into the relationship between
religion and politics in nineteenth century Britain. At just over 160
pages of text, the book is a manageable size and is fairly easy to read,
although there is occasionally some odd phrasing. In addition to the text
there is a brief chronology, a short bibliographical essay and a very full
index. As a subject, Disraeli probably does merit an up to date,
concise biography which summarises the large, but mostly rather dated,
body of work relating to his career. The history of the Conservative
party is poor, especially in comparison to the literature on the Liberal
and Labour parties, so anything which adds to the limited study of this
subject ought to be welcomed. But this welcome must be qualified, not
least by questioning whether the biography - and particularly a biography
of such an atypical politician - is the best way to study even the high
politics of the mid-nineteenth century.
The thesis adopted by the author adds to this problem, for as this
biography rests firmly on explaining Disraeli's rise to power by
reference to the strength of his personal ambition, it does little to
illuminate the wider political culture within which he operated.
Although it shows how Disraeli came to be wedded to the Conservative
party, it does not explain why the members of that party were willing to
accept an eccentric, middle class, Anglicised jew as their leader.
Neither does it do much to extend our understanding of why the British
Conservative party developed a fundamentally liberal ideological
position after the 1846 split, nor does it say much about the overall
importance of the middle class in British politics at this time.
Although there is extensive discussion of Disraeli's relationship with
the aristocracy and gentry and of his need to court the support of the
working class after 1867, there is really very little about Disraeli and
the middle class or the part he may have played in continuing Peel's
mission to mould the Conservative party into a broadly based party of
property owners.
Overall, this is an adequate summary of Disraeli's life which asserts a
strong general thesis designed to debunk the popular myth that Disraeli
was the father of a form of One Nation Tory Democracy. Although it
requires some basic knowledge, it is generally easy to read and follow
and would certainly be manageable as a supplementary undergraduate text
for courses on nineteenth century Britain or the history of the Conservative
party.
Barry Doyle
Department of Modern History
University of St Andrews
Fife
Scotland
bmd@st-andrews.ac.uk