The recent discussion on Moroccan troops has reminded me of a
question that I do not think has been resolved: that of the extent
to which the experiences of black troops in World War I influenced
black politics in the immediate post-war period.
D.D.T. Jabavu, in "Native Unrest in South Africa," *International
Rev. of Missions* (1922) claimed that the war was "a powerful factor
in the development of the native mentality...awaken[ing] an
otherwise long- dormant race-consciousness in the bantu, as witness a
spirit of union and growing tendencies for organization on
trade-union lines, specially among teachers and labourers."
This impact may have been exaggerated and has largely been discounted
by recent historians, such as Albert Grundlingh, (*Fighting their own
War*, 1987). Yet some black activists, including Conan Doyle
Modikgotla, who was prominent in the ICU in the 1920's, witnessed
execution of black troops in Europe in WWI, whilst Jason Jingoes,
another ICU leader, was, according to Grundlingh, impressed by the
lack of overt racism in France.
Jabavu's comment shows that at least some black politicians
considered the war's impact a significant factor in post-war black
politics. It was during and just after the war that black labour
first took organized form - in a formal sense, if we ignore earlier
informal structures of resistance - and that Congress first became
involved in support for black strikers.
The effects of the war were widespread. It stimulated greater local
production in South Africa, which led to slightly greater use of
black labour in industry. South African Blacks were used as army
labourers in France, South West Africa and east Africa. Strikes broke
out in SWA and in 1915, 365 workers were repatriated.
Brian Willan has written perhaps the most detailed account of black
South African troops in France in "The South African Native Labour
Contingent, 1916-1918" *J. of African History* (1978). My own
reading of SANLC documents in the PRO suggests that "fear" of
contact/rape may have been a contributing element of military policy.
In France, SA officers insisted on keeping "tribes" together to
prevent them mixing with each other or with other nationalities and
classes: "the native working alongside [whites] has his ideas of the
position of the white man disturbed" [P.R.O. (Public record Office,
Kew) W.O. 107/37, pp.25-8].
Great care was taken to prevent any contact with say, Indian or white
labourers in the armed forces, esp. those who carried socialistic
ideas, for, "trade unionism is not indulged in by the natives at
present." [PRO WO 107/37 "Appendix to Notes for Officers of labour
Companies, South African Native Labour (1917)". But British officers
were less concerned with this "cordon sanitaire" and tended to deploy
troops irrespective of race.
There also is some evidence, including intercepted letters, of
anti-Empire sentiment among black workers on the Rand, and force had
to be used to step up recruitment. Although Congress [SANNC]
supported the war effort, some members, such as J.B. Twayi and S.M.
Makgatho, expressed concern at rising unemployment at the start of
the war. During the war Josiah Gumede argued that black rights were
more important than Empire loyalty [see Bill Nasson, "A Great
Divide," *War & Society*, 1994].
I would be interested to hear people's opinions on the impact of the
war on post-war black politics in SA and other African countries. I
am aware of a post-war strike "wave" in many countries.